Discussion
Transformative power: rethinking
political organisation? – Len Arthur
Russell
Elliott, who organised the Compass Wales meeting, responded to our last
discussion paper by Darren via our WLG Facebook site, and drew our attention to
a recent paper by Hilary Wainwright published in Socialist Register. Hilary uses the term
‘transformative’ to describe a process of challenging power in a capitalist
society. She argues that achieving this will require a rethinking of what a
political organisation would look like in the context of a ‘plurality of
sources of transformative power’, by which she means trade unions and the range
of social movement organisations. Her paper is of great significance to us as
socialists, relating to directly to the current crisis of capitalism, the
neo-liberal politics of austerity and the emergence of a new politics like
Syriza in Greece. Moreover, on a personal note, I have also been writing about
the same theme for the last 10 years and her paper provides an opportunity to explore
conceptual and practical synergies.
Recently,
our third and fourth discussion pieces shared some rather
abstract thoughts about challenging the hegemony and power of capitalism,
developing Gramsci’s notion of a war of position and a war of manoeuvre. In some earlier papers these ideas have been
explored more extensively by me, arguing for some new thinking about socialist
parties through ZCommunication: beyond Pilger and Monbiot and deviant mainstreaming. Essentially, I have been arguing a
key point: that to mount an effective challenge to capitalism, it is unhelpful to
continue with a dichotomy of resistance between social movements more
interested in alternative space and movements of mobilisation that challenge
power directly through collective and generalised struggle. The dichotomy leads
to a divided movement where the different forms of resistance are seen as
alternatives, and worse, one is privileged over the other. Cooperatives, for
example, are seen as ‘islands in a sea of capitalism’ just ripe for the
picking, and trade unions are seen too narrowly focussed on the interests of
members and collective agreements, as opposed to fundamental social
change.Historically, including in the later works of Marx and Engels and in the
decisions of the first four conferences of the Communist International, this
dichotomy hardly features, the differences are recognised, but are seen as part
of the same struggle. That provides a useful starting point.
First, some
terms. Hilary Wainwright uses the term ‘transformative’ to describe effectively
challenging the power of capital and I would prefer ‘transgressive contention’
but for this piece I’ll go along with Hilary. Second, I would prefer to use the
term ‘alternative space’ to describe social movements like cooperatives,
whereas Hilary uses ‘prefigurative movements’; again, I’ll go along with this.
We would both argue that we should be not be exclusively focussed on taking
state power sometime in the future as the only way to be transformative; that
it is possible to, ‘build the future in the present’ through prefigurative organisations.
Hilary
Wainwright has this key sentence in her paper:
‘In effect, the problem with creating prefigurative change in
the present with a dynamic toward future change is as much about ourselves
creating new forms of self organisation in the present as about reforms through
the state.’
It is
important to explore this a little further. In both organisations of
mobilisation, like trade unions, and prefigurative organisation such as
cooperatives, there is a problem of the direction or trajectory of change.
Trade unions can lead to incorporation into capitalism, as well as mount a
transformative challenge such as a general strike. Cooperatives can be seen as
having an incorporated boundary with capitalism or Trojan horses for
privatisation, but in aggregate they can be seen as a prefigurative challenge
to capitalism both ideologically and in terms of ‘crowding out’. How, then, is
it possible to influence the direction of the trajectory of these
organisations? Hilary talks about ‘new forms of self organisation’ but I would
argue that it is possible to be more specific.
Both trade
unions and prefigurative organisations should be seen as ‘terrains of
struggle’. The dynamic and trajectory of the organisation is influenced by the
action of the members and it is here that the politics of transformation need
to be clear: it is for socialists to argue, frame and seek to lead the
strategic debate among the members. In trade unions we are familiar with rank
and file or broad left organisations, so in prefigurative organisations similar
progressive organisations should be formed. Moreover, it is possible to go
further and suggest the form of the political process that could take place to
try to ensure that the trajectory is toward transformation.
Transitional
demands and actions are the key to this process. They have a long history which
is outlined in my ‘deviant mainstreaming’ paper mentioned above, but essentially
they are intended to form a bridge between where the struggle is now, in terms
of action and consciousness, and where we would like to be in terms of
transformation. To achieve this, the debate needs to be framed by asking the
question as to what can be done to transform capitalism? So, for example,
demanding that we do not pay for the bankers’ crisis legitimates both the
struggle against austerity politics and alternative answers, involving the
control and redistribution of wealth to the working class. By establishing
cooperative control – such as at Tower colliery – the management is elected and
the full product or revenue of the organisation is under the control of the
workers, demonstrating that transformation can work. Through recycling and
using renewable energy under cooperative control, we can provide a similar
demonstration of what is possible, as well as having a direct effect on climate
change.
Now, of
course, this does not happen spontaneously and we are back to the discussion
about the type of party that is required, that can facilitate socialist
leadership within the ‘terrains’ of struggle. Hilary Wainwright talks about
networks and new forms of communication, but she also points to Syriza in
Greece and in great depth explains how they are in fact providing leadership
both in terms of representative politics and work with prefigurative
organisations. That is where I agree entirely. I talk about Syriza’s earlier
work in my papers. At the moment, it seems that Syriza is not only showing us
how to fight back within a traditional context but also on the ground, in terms
of collective mobilisation and prefigurative organisations. They are very brave
and it may come unstuck, but at the moment they offer us the best example of a
successful socialist organisation seeking transformative change whilst at the
same time being rigorously internationalist in argument and practice. Can we do
this in the UK?
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